Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) stand out for their role as a counterweight to public authorities, themselves increasingly subject to contestation in new democracies. Civil society represents the force enabling a balance of forces in governance for the benefit of the population, by braving the multiple challenges of the exercise of power. Is she already mature enough to competently take over the role of " fourth power " in central Africa.
“Face à la tendance aventureuse de l’universalisation du monde qui évolue à double vitesse, l’Afrique n’abandonne pas, au contraire, elle se mobilise.”
The controversy that exists around the concept of “civil society” raises questions about themes that go beyond the scope of public space. Like a fashion effect, the global tendency to conform to the logic of economic growth, citizenship, or even participatory democracy has shaped the very notion of " civil society » in Central Africa.
CSOs, while covering a wide variety of adored or criticized realities, are confronted with current global issues covering an extraordinary diversity of so-called initiatives. “de développement”. This exponential proliferation has shaped the very image of CSOs din developing countries,
The idea of " civil society » then refers to an ethical vision of society articulated around the harmonization between particular interests and the common good. It can be recognized as the intermediate space that must exist between the sphere of the State and the private sphere[1]. It thus constitutes a variety of initiatives such as associations, unions, religious movements, professional or scientific orders, etc. These structures pursue objectives of general interest which are becoming essential, particularly in the sector of international solidarity.
Au-delà de la spéculation sur leur rôle, doit aussi être interrogée la pertinence du débat relatif aux nouvelles structures et mouvements qui revendiquent où se disputent le label de “société civile”.Aujourd’hui naissent en Afrique centrale des mouvements qui n’ont pas d’organisation formellement établie ni juridiquement constituées mais qui prennent de plus en plus d’espace dans les débats publics. Ces mouvements « citoyens » se constituent de façon spontanée et ne répondent à aucune forme classique de gestion. Des spéculations sur leur genèse, la qualité de leurs membres, les sources de leur financement ainsi que leurs véritables objectifs jugés occultes, alimentent encore les débats. Le seul fait d’être identifiées comme « civil society organization » seems more profitable to them because these citizen movements thus gain visibility among the general public. This is particularly the case of the Lucha, Filimbi, movement " Congo is not for sale » in DR Congo, “Imbonerakure” in Burundi, etc.
According to Poncelet and Pirotte, this associative impulse is stimulated by multilateral or national cooperation and aid agencies, but also by NGO networks and other international actors, such as foundations, universities or institutions in the North[2] participating in indirect and decentralized cooperation. The new configuration of non-governmental actors as privileged vectors of collective action for development that Julie Godin calls “NGOization[3] » concerned about the depoliticization of their speeches and practices.
Criticized on one hand or praised on the other, the perpetual mutations of this concept of "civil society" or better to “CSO” now impact the social and political fabric of African societies, particularly with regard to education, the practice of justice, the media, the economy and public administration. Thus were born organizations for the defense of Human Rights, the environment, gender equality rights, etc., whose aims are the improvement of the quality of basic services, the fair and equitable distribution of resources , the participation of disadvantaged populations in political decision-making as well as the democratization of institutions.
Let us nevertheless note that, despite the few similarities in the political regimes of the countries of Central Africa, we nevertheless note particular realities depending on the historical and cultural realities specific to each of the States.
La prolifération d’associations et organisations de la société civile en RD Congo et au Burundi semble être portée de plus en plus par une nouvelle génération de professionnels, privés de perspectives d’emploi ou par d’anciens cadres de la fonction publique qui peine encore aujourd’hui à leur offrir une place. L’augmentation du taux de chômage pousse aussi la génération montante, pourtant suffisamment qualifiée, à la création d’alternatives.
These various initiatives, often in duplicity with other existing structures of civil society, endanger the representative legitimacy of their leaders and facilitators. In the 1990s there was a Regional Confederation of Development NGOs (CRONGD). This structure broke up and developed in place of heterogeneous realities giving the political powers of the region, as a latitude to use “a la carte”, the choice to designate one or the other representative as the preferred contact. Having become fragile, the passage in the CSOs also constituted for certain people, an opportunity to occupy political functions: Mgr Marini Bodho former president of the Church of Christ in Congo (ECC) was President of the Senate (1998-2017) , Father Malu Malu, of happy memory, activist, was president of the CENI in 2006, Bahati Lukwebo, current President of the Senate in DR Congo, was national president of the Civil Society of Congo (SOCICO) 1992-2010, etc.
Like the governments of Burundi, DR Congo and Rwanda; Civil society organizations (CSOs) are increasingly becoming key societal protagonists who make valuable and significant contributions in the process of achieving the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). They are expected to play an essential role in the implementation and monitoring of the implementation of the SDGs.
But what are the conditions required for CSOs to be able to do this? The increasingly preponderant place and involvement of civil society is felt in the issue of development in Central Africa. Will it constitute a political counterweight against authoritarian regimes or will it be a response to the bankruptcy of States? What then is its contribution to the advent of democracy in Central Africa?
The adaptive resilience of CSOs in Central Africa
Face à la tendance aventureuse de l’universalisation du monde qui évolue à double vitesse, l’Afrique n’abandonne pas, au contraire, elle se mobilise. La multiplication marquée des structures d’actions citoyennes et mobilisatrices se crée. Her youth, although idle, finds ways and means to act through new technologies and social media. This emulation challenges global players and stands out as a way for international justice and solidarity to be values enshrined in the global economic architecture.
Les crises africaines contemporaines montrent les différences de contexte par rapport à la période coloniale. La conjoncture africaine actuelle révèle le revers d’un système mondial érigé à partir d’un paradigme nord-centriste. Sur le plan interne, ces crises traduisent également l’échec d’une culture politique marquée par la déprédation, la corruption et le clientélisme. L’Afrique subsaharienne n’est pas pauvre, elle est appauvrie[4], said Aminata Traoré.
L’Afrique semble alors affaiblie parce qu’en perpétuelle recherche d’adaptation dans un système mondial parsemé de normes contraignantes préétablies où les « grandes » puissances ne décélèrent pas leur quête de croissance. L’Afrique est aussi appauvrie parce que la plupart de ses dirigeants postcoloniaux ne se sont pas privés, pendant longtemps, de spolier ses ressources en bravant presque toutes les valeurs démocratiques afin de se maintenir au pouvoir. Face à cette répétition de l’histoire, la prise de conscience collective en Afrique centrale s’avère impérieuse. L’action collective s’émule par toute voies même celles non traditionnelles. La pression exercée par les partis politiques à l’époque des luttes pour les indépendances se retrouve supplantée par la force mobilisatrice des mouvements citoyens actuels. Le dynamisme de la société civile trouve sa substance dans la léthargie des services publics de l’Etat. Plus fréquemment aussi, interviennent – comme cela a été le cas au Burundi et en RD Congo ou au Rwanda – des ruptures brusques de la coopération internationale. Les actions des OSC se sont montrées suffisamment remarquables notamment dans le domaine de la santé, l’éducation et l’accompagnement des élections. Quelle est alors leur place au sein de la vie actuelle en Afrique centrale ?
Civil Society Organizations: a societal alternative
En Afrique centrale, la société civile tire sa légitimité politique de la remise en question des formes de l’action publique. Elle s’est montrée present to supplement the proven lack of government action.
In Burundi, there is reason to question the situation of civil society, which has several times become the victim of pressure and measures from the international community, against political actors. Burundian CSOs operate in a vsvery complex political context. Society remains dependent, in large part, on the generosity of international and bilateral donors. The Cotonou agreement qui a fixé, en 2010, le cadre de partenariat entre l’Union Européenne et les pays d’Afrique, des Caraïbes et du Pacifique (ACP), a permis à la Société civile Burundaise de s’affermir. Mais son élan de dynamisme s’amenuise progressivement à cause des freins établis par le pouvoir public (telles que la censure et l’interdiction de certains médias, la gestion asymétrique des demandes d’autorisation de fonctionnement, etc). La législation y reste également silencieuse quant au soutien financier éventuel de l’Etat. La non-protection des sources et la censure du CNC (Conseil National de la Communication) contribuent aussi à cette limitation importante. Certain·e·s journalistes ont été condamné·e·s pour atteinte à la sécurité de l’Etat et d’autres se sont retrouvé·e·s en exil. L’instauration du Groupe de Coordination des Partenaires « GCP », un cadre légal et officiel, est néanmoins novatrice. Sa mission est la coordination, le suivi et le dialogue avec les partenaires sur les questions de développement et de consolidation de la paix.
In DR Congo, plusieurs structures revendiquent la légitimité de représenter la société civile. L’expérience inédite de sa transition politique a été l’œuvre aussi de plusieurs initiatives locales, régionales et internationales. Le dialogue inter-congolais[5], par exemple sans lequel le processus de paix n’aurait pas été possible ainsi que l’implication de la CENCO (Conférence épiscopale nationale du Congo) qui a assuré les bons offices en faveur de l’alternance politique ont définitivement montré que the contribution of civil society is essential in the search for peace and reconciliation[6]. The recent bill on the organization of elections calls for an equal presence made up of 15 facilitators including 5 from the presidential movement, 5 from the political opposition and 5 from civil society organizations. This is a mark of institutional recognition of CSOs as actors in their own right in the same way as traditional political components.
In Rwanda, Civil Society is instead committed to supporting the government by working more on cross-cutting themes: gender, environment, social inclusion of minorities and memory work. The recent installation of a tripartite commission for the management of public aid (government, donors and civil society) could alleviate government influence on local civil society organizations.
Having become protagonists in political life and in supporting democracy, CSOs in Central Africa still require collaboration and united support from various local, regional and international partners.
What “Partnership” to ensure the sustainability of Civil Society actions in Central Africa?
These last decades, CSOs have become largely professionalized, and have increasingly invested in political and technical processes. Some CSOs have specialized in specific technical areas, where they carry out monitoring or lobbying activities on certain themes (environment, child soldiers, Human Rights, elections, etc.). Their growing importance, however, raises several questions around their identity. How to maintain democratic legitimacy in delicate political environments? They are often constituted de facto and, rarely, formally by following all the legal steps. They are committed to specific causes of justice or democracy or focus on various issues such as reducing inequalities and reducing poverty, respect for human rights, gender equality and climate justice.
Note also that the square of the Catholic Church remains a reference in supporting democracy and in its involvement as a social partner – education, health and solidarity – in the region. Recently CENCO, in DR Congo, has just launched a new call against social inequalities, for national cohesion, justice and peace: “… We recommend to the government to rebalance the expenditure of institutions in proportion to the needs of the population, to promote social projects which strengthen national integration, respect for the electoral cycle, a guarantee of democracy, …[7] ".
La crise actuelle du coronavirus a permis de révéler une fois de plus la place des OSC et la pertinence du rôle de contrepoids que celles-ci devraient jouer dans la vie quotidienne en Afrique centrale. Bousculées par les mesures préventives successives à la propagation du virus : le confinement, déconfinement et ré-confinement, … les OSC tentent de s’adapter en reconfigurant leurs actions mais aussi, doivent travailler davantage pour ne pas endosser le rôle qui n’est pas le leur et responsabiliser, avec insistance les décideurs politiques comme la CENCO vient clairement de le faire. Les OSC ont besoin du soutien des bailleurs non seulement pour juguler la crise mais aussi, pour qu’une fois la crise passée, la situation devienne meilleure que celle d’avant l’arrivée du Coronavirus.
The donor community often steers the debate on the real causes of global inequality. They most often condition the continuity of aid through good governance, the establishment of democracy and respect for human rights.
The political contribution of Civil Society in Central Africa
The right of free association is becoming universal while limitations on the freedoms of independent civil society are observed almost everywhere in the world under the pretext of the fight against terrorism and defense of governmental sovereignty. Faced with this situation, LThe Human Rights Commission established the mandate on the situation of human rights defenders in 2000 which was extended in 2020 by the Human Rights Council in its decision 43/115 and his resolution 43/16.
In such a context, not only were CSOs either considered to be collaborators with governments as long as they went their way, or as foreign agents, economic saboteurs and even instigators of violence through their activities[8].
To be effective in their role, CSOs must recognize that the fight for respect for human rights has a political character. The mere fact of being apartisan – not to support any political party – is not enough to be neutral. Also, what places human rights within the political sphere is only adherence to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights[9]. The latter criticizes that man must not be put in the condition of having to revolt as a last resort against the tyranny, authoritarianism and oppression of a State.
Any struggle for social justice would then be considered above all as a political struggle aimed at better situating subjects in relation to their rights.[10]. Human Rights education would therefore be a political action because it allows the participation of citizens from an enlightened point of view.
We then saw in the DRC several leaders emerge from civil society and become political figures (the current president of the Senate, for example, was one of the pioneers of civil society).
A civil society open to the globalized world
The international environment has been transformed, international solidarity must follow suit and adapt to current socio-political developments. It contains the seeds of present and future revolutions in theoretically postcolonial societies. “to democratize ". Will it be rubbed off by any Western hegemonic dose? Will international solidarity supplant criticisms that reduce it to the prolongation of paternalism?
Belgian citizens should bear in mind this cultural disparity and the divergent hierarchy of morals in order to better understand the partnership of international solidarity with CSOs active in Central Africa. Contemporary debates call for decolonize current development cooperation.
In Central Africa, individual freedoms and human rights do not have the same connotation as in northern societies. It is in this difference that lies the reasons for the discord between the vision of CSOs in Central Africa and the place of the average citizen in the conscience of governments. In this region, shouldn't this place be the same as in the rest of the world? What is substantial for the citizen of the European Union, is it necessarily also substantial in Central Africa? Reciprocity is synonymous with the independent appropriation of the notion of global and united citizenship.
C’est pour toutes ces raisons que les OSC africaines appellent de toutes leurs forces à un changement radical qui dépasse les mesures superficielles proposées par les politiques actuelles de développement. Ainsi constitueront-elles un équilibre politique face aux régimes autoritaires en réponse à la faillite des Etats. Telle est alors leur contribution pour l’avènement de la démocratie en Afrique centrale.
The OECD also advocates inclusive dialogue that reflects diversity: L’un des enjeux majeurs consistera à trouver le juste équilibre entre les activités relevant du dialogue panafricain et celles à mener au niveau régional ou national. Furthermore, il conviendra également d’organiser les activités de façon à y associer des représentants de la société civile[11] (NGOs, unions and private sector).
Tracks such as contemporary analysis historical relationships privileged of Belgium with Central Africa as well as examples of participatory inclusion of unions, mutual societies and large NGOs in the design of the response plan to the crisis: “ the Corona coalition » are inspiring. L'expertise and proximity as partners in international solidarity can help promote the strengthening of CSOs in Burundi, Rwanda and DR Congo.
Patrick Balemba
[1] MINANI R. and MABALA R., Vademecum of civil society actors in the Democratic Republic of Congo, Editions CRONGD/RODHECIC, Kinshasa, January 2010
[2] Poncelet M. and Pirotte G., The African invention of civil societies: theoretical denial, imposed figure, empirical proliferation, De Boeck Supérieur, “Developing world”, LLN, 2007
[3] NGOs, depoliticization of resistance to neoliberalism?, alternative south, CETRI, 2017
[4] Traoré A., Le viol de l’imaginaire, Actes Sud-Fayard, 2002.
[5] Addis Ababa 2001
[6] Nduwimana F., African civil society: issues and prospects for awareness, Africa Canada Partnership, Oct. 2004
[7] Message from 58th CENCO Plenary Assembly: Call for National Cohesion “Let’s Be United” (06/21/2021)
[8] CETRI, NGO-Depoliticization of resistance to liberalism, idem, p. 132
[9] Bromley MK, “The International Human Right Law Group: Human rights and access to justice in post-conflict environments” dams Welch CE, NGOs and Human Right: promise and performance, Pennsylvania, University of Pennsylvania Press, 2001
[10]Boulie J., “Putting the voluntary sector back on map in The development agenda and the voluntary sector”, Quarterly Journal of the South African NGO Coalition and Interfund, 1, 1997
[11] Le Nouveau Partenariat pour le Développement de l’Afrique (www.oecd.org).
