Central Africa: from fear to good governance

June 29, 2016

central Africa, Article, Democracy, Human rights

It is a crisis of democracies that Burundi and Congo are experiencing. And, if the international community does not maintain special attention to this region of the world, the latter risks bursting into flames. Justice and Peace requires a strong political voice from our representatives.

analysis_afrique_centrale_de_la_peur_à_la_bonne_gouvernance_710x280.jpg

Central Africa must remain a priority for Belgium. Non-compliance with local Constitutions and violations of fundamental human rights must be recorded and disclosed in order to allow individual and collective sanctions of those responsible. If the local population's cries for help are not heeded, the region risks burning down. And we know to what extent Belgium is linked to this region of the world, not only by our historical links but also by the number of members of the diaspora who are our fellow citizens. Beyond an act of solidarity, political action by Belgium is a responsibility. Burundi: widespread fear In Burundi, since Mr. Nkurunziza's decision to stay in power despite the fact that his country's Constitution did not allow him to do so, the political crisis has degenerated with, among other things, the failed coup attempt. state in May 2015, the “muzzling” of the press and the serious human rights violations that we heard a lot about last December While some observers speak of a lull, our Burundian partners summarize the situation by saying that there is widespread fear: the raids (especially in so-called protest neighborhoods) continue. There are arbitrary arrests, disappearances and discoveries of mass graves . Under the cover of a search for security (the authorities say they “want to control the movements of the population” which indicates a fear of the return of armed groups), we “control” not only adults and young adults but also children, thus prevented from going to school . Deuxième source de stress important : la situation économique du pays. On ne trouve plus de devises et le pays n’est plus fourni en produits de première nécessité, par exemple, les médicaments se font rares. Un récent rapport mentions that the country has a growth rate of minus 7 1TP3Q! Relations with neighboring countries are tense. Between the reception of refugees who flee the country and the training of fighters confirmed by a report from United Nations , Rwanda is singled out by Pierre Nkurunziza who finds in this situation an additional argument to speak of ethnic conflict. However, our partners are very clear on this subject: this is a political conflict which must therefore be resolved through politics and, if necessary, by force:

by protecting, as a first priority, the local population who find themselves isolated. Let us recall that, last January, the African Union gave up sending a peacekeeping force there and preferred an observer position;

by facilitating the start of a real dialogue, facilitated by a legitimate and credible African Union. This implies, among other things, making this dialogue completely inclusive, that is to say in the presence of representatives of the political and/or armed opposition taking into account the context and circumstances at the origin of the current crisis, this which the current President refuses to this day. This also involves addressing the issue of political prisoners;

en exigeant de l’état burundais le respect des droits humains et en permettant ainsi le retour des réfugiés, dont les responsables des ONG et associations locales ayant fui pour assurer leur sécurité. Car une des questions lancinantes qui se posent aujourd’hui est : qui reste-t-il au pays ? Et que peut-on encore dire ? À ce sujet, relevons le courage des défenseurs des droits humains restés au pays ainsi que du collectif de journalistes « SOS médias » qui, dans l’ombre, avec du matériel très basique et au dépens de leur vie, continuent à assurer une information accessible via Internet mais donc principalement accessible aux élites et observateurs internationaux. Relevons également que l’Église catholique au Burundi, par mesure de prudence, se prononce moins publiquement depuis le mois de mars (l’équipe de Justice et Paix à Bujumbura a fait l’objet de menaces de mort et une partie de ses membres a dû fuir le pays) mais essaie de maintenir un dialogue avec les autorités. Il est également important d’insister sur lla nécessité pour la Belgique et l’Europe de bénéficier des témoignages de nos partenaires locaux. Malheureusement, faire venir des membres de la société civile burundaise est devenu un vrai parcours du combattant tellement la crainte d’afflux de réfugiés a compliqué la procédure d’obtention de visa.

A diplomatic avenue for our European countries would be to work on a dialogue with Angola, currently considered an allied country of Burundi and an essential player due to its military and economic strength. Although he himself pays little attention to democratic issues, the risk of seeing the region ignite could encourage him to play a positive role with Burundi and Congo.

Congo: facing the slide, good governance The political situation in Congo is largely dominated by the electoral question: the elections of March 26 in 21 new provinces of the country left a bitter taste for local observers, the Congolese Catholic Church having noted numerous frauds, intimidations and vote buying. Furthermore, the strategy of silence and “slippage” chosen by Mr. Kabila is increasingly annoying. The latest legal strategy to date, the judgment of the Constitutional Court , seized by the party in power, only confirmed the Presidential desire to remain in power and this… by any means. It is therefore no coincidence that (and we are only citing here an element which seems to us to be indicative of both the reduction of political space and the lack of respect for human rights) one of the main potential rivals in the Presidential election, Moïse Katumbi is accused of attacks on state security; The Independent National Electoral Commission (CENI) is forced to work in a difficult context and is losing credibility. She highlighted technical difficulties which would prevent her from respecting constitutional deadlines (making the electoral register reliable would take 16 months whereas according to the United Nations this could have been done in 9 months). The National Dialogue desired by Kabila, already a source of mistrust, today finds itself emptied of its substance since its detractors made it a condition that it could lead to a consensual electoral calendar. The Catholic Church in Congo, however, remains open to this so-called dialogue, which they consider to be one of the last diplomatic avenues to prevent the country from going up in flames. And yet, the country already seems to be on fire and demonstrations are harshly repressed by the security forces, police and army. In Goma (in the east of the country), in Kinshasa as well as in Katanga, the population is tired of not being heard in their demands for an alternation in power and local civil society fears more and more slippages. This irritation could also be felt in Belgium, as we saw in February 2011 during the riots in Matonge in Brussels, when it is planned that Congolese abroad will be able to elect a new president and their national deputies. From then on, it became necessary not only to think in terms of electoral observation but also, in the medium term, of civic education which would have the triple objective of: preparing the population to guarantee the smooth running of elections, giving citizen tools to hold political leaders accountable and, finally, to prevent conflicts! While there are deaths and arbitrary arrests, Belgium can no longer say that it is waiting for there to be a global electoral calendar to finance the civic education projects of local civil society. More than ever, and while the Burundian situation serves as a counter-example, the Congolese need a strong political voice from Belgium and Europe to:

that Joseph Kabila respects constitutional deadlines and organizes the elections. On this subject, a petition ^[6]Currently more than 1300 signatures collected coordinated by volunteers from the Justice and Peace Commission of Walloon Brabant shows to what extent the Congolese diaspora, among others, remains attached to the principle of alternation in power;

that political and military leaders involved in human rights violations be individually held responsible for their actions, thus opening the possibility of criminal sanctions;

that resolution 2277 adopted on March 30 by the United Nations Security Council (for a way out of the country's crisis) be respected and that the national dialogue can be accompanied by the international community with a view to allowing transparency and 'independence.

We are in an emergency situation here. And in addition to arguments favoring a desire for non-interference in the internal affairs of the Congolese state, we must be able to recall and defend the universality of Human Rights. As journalist Alain Lallemand reminded us, “When the Belgian state gives 113 million euros each year to the Kinshasa government, it has the right to expect good governance” . But in the long term, it seems to us that a reflection must be carried out in consultation with our Congolese partners: faced with the observation, which concerns at least the African Great Lakes region, of "Presidents who cling to power", we must ask ourselves why the principle of alternation in power creates blockages. Is our Western model still exportable as is? Faced with this, Justice and Peace has initiated a reflection which we would like to share widely. But the task is not easy as there are fears that this speech will be politically appropriated. When we talk about good governance, it also concerns the economic management of a country and therefore, for Congo, its management of natural resources. The resolution adopted by the chamber in July last year is an important step in the process towards EU legislation to establish accountability for the import of so-called conflict minerals. But it is not over and, at a time when the negotiations between the European Council and the Parliament seem to be resuming under the aegis of the Dutch, the process requires our full attention so that the draft regulation is not emptied of its important aspects namely: a mandatory regime requiring companies to exercise due diligence throughout the supply chain. Axelle Fischer

Attachments

Central Africa from fear to good governance

Notes[+]

Notes
↑1	On this subject, see the interview with Justice et Paix on RTBF on December 14: https://www.justicepaix.be/Burundi-crainte-d-une-guerre-civile .
↑2	Local civil society has recorded the cases of nearly 813 people who died between April 2015 and May 2016.
↑3	See the UNICEF press release of November 2015 regarding children in Burundi: http://www.unicef.org/french/infobycountry/media_86267.html
↑4	IMF in 2015
↑5	As a reminder, article 70 of the Constitution says that “The President of the Republic is elected by direct universal suffrage for a five-year mandate, renewable only once. At the end of his mandate, the President of the Republic remains in office until the effective installation of the new elected President” was interpreted on May 11, 2016 by the Constitutional Court which would allow the President to remain in power and thus to legitimize the slippage of elections.
↑6	Currently more than 1300 signatures collected
↑7	Conference organized by Justice and Peace in Liège on May 20, 2016. See also Lallemand, A (May 19, 2016). Kinshasa Papers: Congo also likes offshores. The evening : https://www.justicepaix.be/Les-societes-offshore-la-face-cachee-du-pillage-des-ressources-en-RD-Congo-1215
↑8	https://www.justicepaix.be/Democratie-en-Afrique-subsaharienne-depasser-les-certitudes-occidentales